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Sarkozy And The Syrian Regime
Al-Hayat, UK, January 2,
2008
By Randa Takieddine
The year 2008
started with an announcement by President Nicolas Sarkozy
from Cairo on New Year's Eve that he and his aides have
severed contacts with the Syrian regime as long as Lebanon
remains without a conciliatory president. This was followed
by a speedy Syrian response through the SANA agency
reporting that French presidential palace secretary general
Claude Gueante had contacted Walid al-Muallem. Syria's
minister of information then denied Sarkozy's announcement
as if he is more informed than the French president about
France's continued efforts to work with Syria.
The matter of
fact is that Gueant called Al-Muallem to inform him that the
French initiative has been stalled as a result of France's
disappointment and its patience reaching its limit. Sarkozy
frankly made it clear in front of the Egyptian president
that he had no regrets for speaking with Assad. His
initiative was well-intentioned and he truly made every
effort to resolve the Lebanese crisis and convince Syria
that it was in its interest to recognize Lebanon's
independence. However, the Syrian games pushed him over the
edge, and hence his statement in Cairo was expressive, frank
and clear. He wanted a conciliatory president for Lebanon.
An agreement had been reached over General Michel Sleiman
who in principle was approved of by all sides. However,
Syria's allies eventually started to lay down impossible
conditions to prevent him from reaching the presidency.
General Michel
Sleiman was not a candidate against Syria. He was always on
good terms with Syria to the point that the Syrian president
had assured his support for Sleiman's presidency to more
than a visitor. However, among the many acquainted with
Sleiman in the Arab world, including a prominent Arab
minister who is very familiar with Lebanon, describe him as
a patriot whose loyalty for Lebanon is above all and that he
not only refuses the conditions imposed by Damascus's
allies, but that he is also upset with the opposition and
its continued obstruction. For example, when a major ally of
Syria presented the opposition's demand of the right to name
the commander in chief and army security personnel, Sleiman
rejected preemptive conditions and demanded that the
discussion of such issue take place following his
inauguration. Since then, Syria has been shedding suspicions
upon Sleiman as a candidate because he would not be another
Emil Lahoud. After all, Syria is looking forward to the
return of another Lahoud who would effectively bring Syria
back to Lebanon with full powers.
Hence, the
obstruction of Sleiman's inauguration continued. Speaker
Nabih Berri who continues to shut down the parliament as the
Egyptian president said and who continues to postpone the
election session one week after another, is simply
implementing Damascus's plan. France has attempted to
convince Syria to leave Lebanon elect its president. The new
French president, was unfamiliar with Middle Eastern
politics despite the fact that he is surrounded by a skilled
diplomatic team including ambassador Jean-David Levitte, a
top diplomat who represented France at the United Nations
and then in Washington when resolution 1559 was adopted, and
also an expert on Middle Eastern politics. Yet Sarkozy
wanted to see for himself if Syria would respond to the
French initiative through its allies in Lebanon and through
its obstructive games.
French foreign
minister Bernard Kouchner, a close friend of the president,
was the first to realize these realities despite the face
that had attempted from the beginning to bring all sides in
Lebanon together. However, he realized that the
assassinations continued and understood the real sources of
obstruction, and like his president, he speaks frankly and
openly away from the banality of wooden language. He
condemned the Syrian obstruction and realized that openness
toward this regime was futile, especially as Syria offered
nothing in return for the international boost that it
received from France. All this led to Sarkozy's conclusion
that he had tried but was let down by Syrian insincerity.
For the first
time, the French president tied the formation of the
international tribunal with pressures on Syria since he is
aware that this remains Damascus's obsession. Sarkozy wastes
no time since he is in haste to find solutions, to implement
his reforms, and to get what he was promised. He has no
appreciation for those who are dishonest with him, or
disappoint him or obstruct his efforts. The Syrian regime
takes its time and is determined to maintain the void in
Lebanon, probably until the upcoming parliamentary elections
in the hope of installing General Michel Aoun as president
who remains its only candidate and who is seen by Syria's
allies in Lebanon as the only guarantor of a return of
Syria's complete power in Lebanon.
The question
laid in front of the conference for Arab foreign ministers
called for by Amro Moussa is: should the Arab summit be held
in Cairo, the headquarters of the Arab League, instead of
Damascus, especially given the absence of a Lebanese
president and the lack of Arab unanimity over holding the
conference in the first place? It is difficult to imagine
holding the conference in Damascus without a president in
Lebanon. Sarkozy visits Saudi Arabia on January 13 and meets
the Saudi king and the prince crown. It is likely that the
Lebanese issue will dominate their talks just as it did
during Sarkozy's visit to President Mubarak in Egypt. |
